for a return of the Tsars to the Romanov throne, and in 1923 the Foreign
Secretary., Lord Curzon, had initiated and., on the basis of Versailles
Treaty, Britain, with the Allies, had acknowledged the Polish-Russian
frontier and the Polish-Lithuanian frontier. They acknowledged that
Wilno belonged to the Polish Republic. Sir Eric Phipps signed for
Britain. It was the British view regarding those frontiers expressed
officially for the first time. " I rejoice," Churchill emphasised in the
Commons on April 13 of that year, " that Poland has been reconstituted.
I trust she will live long to enjoy the freedom of the lands which belong
to her, a freedom which was gained by the swords of the victorious Allies."
This was said over twenty years ago. And at the end of those twenty
years " the freedom of the lands which belong to her " was endangered
by those same Communists Churchill had fought against for so many years.
Furthermore, it was the same Churchill who now, it seemed, entertained
a <e sympathy with the Russian standpoint" and who emphasised that
he " cannot feel that the Russian demand for a reassurance about her
Western frontiers goes beyond the limit of what is reasonable or just,"
and—irony of fate—was, in effect, giving his consent to the advance of
the " conditions of the Dark Ages to behind the Pripet Marshes," to
behind the frontier of Poland. It was the same Churchill who now
supported the idea of an c unnatural combination,' of German industry
under Russian direction. It was not so long before, on March 21,
1943, while expressing the British views on the * new order' and
envisaging a e Council of Europe,3 the Prime Minister had given a
warning that Britain " will have to reach agreement with great and friendly
equals and also to respect and have a care for, the rights of weaker and
smaller States, and that it will not be given to any one nation to achieve
the full satisfaction of its individual wishes." By February 22, 1944,
this Statement seemed already out of date j the British Premier had agreed
to the fi full satisfaction ' of the wishes of one of those Great Powers, and,
upon the first disposition of those wishes the Observer harshly commented :
" Mr. Churchill's Government has travelled far since the days when it
was ready to fight * If necessary for years, if necessary alone/ against
a Germany in the full flush of her conquering power, and an unbeaten Italy,
with America resolved to keep out of war, and Russia still neutral. * Not
one jot, not one tittle, do we renounce of our just demands,' was Mr.
Churchill's message at that time, and in speaking so, he spoke for the nation.
Mr. Churchill still speaks for the nation when he puts its much-maligned
effort and its much-be-littled sacrifices on record. He ceases to do so
when he begins to limit the principles for which these sacrifices are made.
" For the citizens and citizen-soldiers of this country have not travelled
with their Government from idealism to cynicism. They are still the
people of 1918. For them the authentic war-aim is still to end the war, to
make the world safe for democracy; and to secure freedom from want and
fear for all,"
The day after Churchill's speech, Poland replied through the medium
of her C,-ia-C0 General Sosnkowski, in his address at a ceremony held